similarities between baker v carr and wesberry v sanders

cit. [n45], This provision for equal districts which the Court exactly duplicates, in effect, was carried forward in each subsequent apportionment statute through 1911. Since the difference between the largest and smallest districts in Iowa is 89,250, and the average population per district in Iowa is only 393,934, Iowa's 7 Representatives might well lose their seats as well. . What was an immediate consequence of these rulings? 73, 86th Cong., 1st Sess. Farsighted men felt that a closer union was necessary if the States were to be saved from foreign and domestic dangers. It was found impossible to fix the time, place, and manner, of the election of representatives in the Constitution. The Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment does not suggest legislatures must intentionally structure their districts to reflect absolute equality of votes. "Rotten boroughs" have long since disappeared in Great Britain. [n29] After further discussion of districting, the proposed resolution was modified to read as follows: [Resolved] . . [I]t was thought that the regulation of time, place, and manner, of electing the representatives, should be uniform throughout the continent. ThoughtCo. WebBaker v. Carr, supra, considered a challenge to a 1901 Tennessee statute providing for apportionment of State Representatives and Senators under the State's constitution, which called for apportionment among counties or districts 'according to the number of qualified electors in each.' . Mr. Justice Frankfurter did not, of course, speak for a majority of the Court in Colegrove, but refusal for that reason to give the opinion precedential effect does not justify refusal to give appropriate attention to the views there expressed. . 552,863227,692325,171, Oregon(4). . ; H.R. Moreover, Australia has no national bill of rights, only a few scattered guarantees. . to be a precedent for dismissal based on the nonjusticiability of a political question involving the Congress as here, but we do deem it to be strong authority for dismissal for want of equity when the following factors here involved are considered on balance: a political question involving a coordinate branch of the federal government; a political question posing a delicate problem difficult of solution without depriving others of the right to vote by district, unless we are to redistrict for the state; relief may be forthcoming from a properly apportioned state legislature, and relief may be afforded by the Congress. The only State in which the average population per district is greater than 500,000 is Connecticut, where the average population per district is 507,047 (one Representative being elected at large). When interpretations of the two constitutions are compared, despite important similarities, the influence of differences in politics, history, and context is also apparent. 276, reversed and remanded. . . Is a mandate for health insurance sufficiently related to interstate commerce for Congress to enact a law on it? [n56][p48]. [n28] It provided, on the one hand, that each State, including little Delaware and Rhode Island, was to have two Senators. 54, discussed infra pp. (Emphasis added.) In my view, we should therefore vacate this judgment and remand the case for a hearing [p20] on the merits. . 761. . . . d. Reporters were given less access to cover combat. How to redraw districts was a "political" question rather than a judicial one, and should be up to state governments, the attorneys explained. . This means that federal courts have the authority to hear apportionment cases when plaintiffs allege deprivation of fundamental liberties. We hold that, construed in its historical context, the command of Art. . [n34]) Steele was concerned with the danger of congressional usurpation, under the authority of 4, of power belonging to the States. In sharp contrast to this unanimous silence on the issue of this case when Art. Justice Whittaker recused himself. 4054. This statement in Baker, which referred to our past decisions holding congressional apportionment cases to be justiciable, we believe was wholly correct, and we adhere to it. Besides, the inequality of the Representation in the Legislatures of particular States would produce a like inequality in their representation in the Natl. She has also worked at the Superior Court of San Francisco's ACCESS Center. . Which of the following programs is the best example of intergovernmentalism? What danger could there be in giving a controuling power to the Natl. 2a to provide: (c) Each State entitled to more than one Representative in Congress under the apportionment provided in subsection (a) of this section, shall establish for each Representative a district composed of contiguous and compact territory, and the number of inhabitants contained within any district so established shall not vary more than 10 percentum from the number obtained by dividing the total population of such States, as established in the last decennial census, by the number of Representatives apportioned to such State under the provisions of subsection (a) of this section. George Mason of Virginia urged an "accommodation" as "preferable to an appeal to the world by the different sides, as had been talked of by some Gentlemen." Indeed, the Court recognized that the Constitution "adopts the qualification" furnished by the States "as the qualification of its own electors for members of Congress." After the Gulf War was over, 151515 influential news organizations sent a letter to the secretary of defense complaining that the rules for reporting the war were designed more to control the news than to facilitate it. [n47]. . Powers not specifically delegated to the federal government are reserved for the states. This dismissal can no more be justified on the ground of "want of equity" than on the ground of "nonjusticiability." Three levels of federal courts Supreme, Circuit (Appellate), Federal district Stare decisis Let the decision stand. Most importantly, the history of how the House of Representatives came into being demonstrates that the founders wanted to ensure that each person had an equal voice in the political process in the House of Representatives. The second question, which concerned two congressional apportionment measures, was whether the Act of June 18, 1929, 46 Stat. By yielding to the demand for a judicial remedy in this instance, the Court, in my view, does a disservice both to itself and to the broader values of our system of government. People doubt her as a female roofer: Were proving them wrong every day, She rescues baby squirrels: Theyre quite destructive. You can find out more about our use, change your default settings, and withdraw your consent at any time with effect for the future by visiting Cookies Settings, which can also be found in the footer of the site. Baker v. Carr (1962) was a landmark case concerning re-apportionment and redistricting. WebThe case of Wesberry v. Sanders in 1964 was a landmark court decision that established the principle of 'one person, one vote' in districting for the House of Representatives. His PhD took 53 years. 2 id. For a period of about 50 years, therefore, Congress, by repeated legislative act, imposed on the States the requirement that congressional districts be equal in population. . 19.See the materials cited in notes 41-42, 44-45 of the Court's opinion, ante, p. 16. I], not only as those powers were necessary for preserving the union, but also for securing to the people their equal rights of election. . This Court, no less than all other branches of the Government, is bound by the Constitution. [n13], The question of how the legislature should be constituted precipitated the most bitter controversy of the Convention. Representatives were elected at large in Alabama (8), Alaska (1), Delaware (1), Hawaii (2), Nevada (1), New Mexico (2), Vermont (1), and Wyoming (1). . In addition, the Assembly has created a Joint Congressional Redistricting Study Committee which has been working on the problem of congressional redistricting for several months. . The justification for this would be that pollution is a collective-action problem, so the federal government is in the best position to address it. . . In a 1946 case, Colegrove v. Green, the Supreme Court had ruled that apportionment should be left to the states to decide, the attorneys argued. All districts have roughly equal populations within states. Reynolds v. Sims: Supreme Court Case, Arguments, Impact, What Is Originalism? [n5][p22]. 7-8, 18. The Australian federation, like the American, was formed through an agreement among delegates of distinct, self-governing states. The delegates were quite aware of what Madison called the "vicious representation" in Great Britain [n35] whereby "rotten boroughs" with few inhabitants were represented in Parliament on or almost on a par with cities of greater population. The difference between the largest and smallest districts in Connecticut is, however, 370,613. What is the term used to describe a grant from the federal government to a state or locality with a general purpose that allows considerable freedom in how the money is spent? cit. These were words of great latitude. 552,582278,703273,879, Indiana(11). Spitzer, Elianna. . 530,507404,695125,812, NewHampshire(2). In this manner, the proportion of the representatives and of the constituents will remain invariably the same. . Are there any special causes of variation ? . MR. JUSTICE BLACK delivered the opinion of the Court. [n21], The delegates who wanted every man's vote to count alike were sharp in their criticism of giving each State, [p12] regardless of population, the same voice in the National Legislature. The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members chosen every second Year by the People of the several States, and the Electors in each State shall have the Qualifications requisite for Electors of the most numerous Branch of the State Legislature. . The majoritys three rulings should be no more than whether: In addition, the proper place for this trial is the trial court, not here. The fact that the delegates were able to agree on a Senate composed entirely without regard to population and on the departures from a population-based House, mentioned in note 8, supra, indicates that they recognized the possibility that alternative principles, combined with political reality, might dictate conclusions inconsistent with an abstract principle of absolute numerical equality. 287 U.S. at 7. The Constitution does not call for equal sized districts, and therefore there is no constitutional right at stake. [n27]. We agree with the District Court that the 1931 Georgia apportionment grossly discriminates against voters in the Fifth Congressional District. . Once it is clear that there is no constitutional right at stake, that ends the case. [n35] Without such power, Wilson stated, the state governments might "make improper regulations" or "make no regulations at all." That right is based in Art I, sec. 2.Wesberry v. Vandiver, 206 F.Supp. The General Assembly of the Georgia Legislature has been recently reapportioned [*] as a result of the order of the three-judge District Court in Toombs v. Fortson, 205 F.Supp. 36.Id. Cook v. Fortson, 329 U.S. 675, 678. But a court cannot erase only the districts which do not conform to the standard announced today, since invalidation of those districts would require that the lines of all the districts within the State be redrawn. . But, as one might expect when the Constitution itself is free from ambiguity, the surrounding history makes what is already clear even clearer. . . The complaint also fails to adequately show Tennessees current system of apportionment is so arbitrary and capricious as to violate the Equal Protection Clause. Soon after the Constitution was adopted, James Wilson of Pennsylvania, by then an Associate Justice of this Court, gave a series of lectures at Philadelphia in which, drawing on his experience as one of the most active members of the Constitutional Convention, he said: [A]ll elections ought to be equal. [n19], To this end, he proposed a single legislative chamber in which each State, as in the Confederation, was to have an equal vote. Together, they elect 15 Representatives. The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by Law make or alter such Regulations, except as to the Places of chusing Senators. Ibid. . The constitutional requirement in Art. Like its American counterpart, Australias constitution is initially divided into distinct chapters dealing with the legislative, executive, and judicial branches. Ibid. 46. . 697,567290,596406,971, Iowa(7). 52.See, e.g., 86 Cong.Rec. There are some important differences of course. . . Attorneys on behalf of the state argued that the Supreme Court lacked grounds and jurisdiction to even hear the case. . . [n46]. 15, 18, fairly supports its holding. . The complaint there charged that the State's constitutional command to apportion on the basis of the number of qualified voters had not been followed in the 1901 statute, and that the districts were so discriminatorily disparate in number of qualified voters that the plaintiffs and persons similarly situated were, "by virtue of the debasement of their votes," denied the equal protection of the laws guaranteed them by the Fourteenth Amendment. MR. JUSTICE CLARK, concurring in part and dissenting in part. . . 54, discussed infra pp. I, 4. See generally Sait, op. Were they exclusively under the control of the state governments, the general government might easily be dissolved. Again in Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186, 232, 82 S.Ct. Yet, despite similarities in judicial interpretation, important differences remain. 5. . Next, Justice Brennan found that Baker and his fellow plaintiffs had standing to sue because, the voters were alleging "facts showing disadvantage to themselves as individuals.". 1496. [n41][p16] Charles Cotesworth Pinckney told the South Carolina Convention, the House of Representatives will be elected immediately by the people, and represent them and their personal rights individually. . . constructing the interstate highway system. The Court issued its ruling on February 17, 1964. The group claimed The upshot of all this is that the language of Art. This provision reinforces the evident constitutional scheme of leaving to the Congress the protection of federal interests involved in the selection of members of the Congress. at 461-462 (William Samuel Johnson). At the Massachusetts convention, Judge Dana approved 4 because it gave Congress power to prevent a state legislature from copying Great Britain, where, a borough of but two or three cottages has a right to send two representatives to Parliament, while Birmingham, a large and populous manufacturing town, lately sprung up, cannot send one. This court case was a very critical point in the legal fightfor the principle of One man, one vote. However, in my view, Brother HARLAN has clearly demonstrated that both the historical background and language preclude a finding that Art. . 3 & 6 & 8 & 5 \\ 4 & 3 & 9 & 2 \\ Act of June 25, 1842, 2, 5 Stat. supra, 93-96. Whatever the dominant political philosophy at the Convention, one thing seems clear: it is in the last degree unlikely that most or even many of the delegates would have subscribed to the [p31] principle of "one person, one vote," ante, p. 18. The figure is obtained by dividing the population base (which excludes the population of the District of Columbia, the population of the Territories, and the number of Indians not taxed) by the number of Representatives. Alternatively, it might have been thought that Representatives elected by free men of a State would speak also for the slaves. Baker has standing to challenge Tennessees apportionment statutes. Those who thought that one branch should represent wealth were told by Roger Sherman of Connecticut that the. Suppose a survey of individuals who recently moved asked respondents how satisfied they were with the public services at their new location relative to their old one. Pp. at 197-198 (Benjamin Franklin of Pennsylvania) id. This would leave a House of Representatives composed of the 22 Representatives elected at large plus eight elected in congressional districts. 610,947350,839260,108, Louisiana(8). 823,680272,154551,526, Idaho(2). . The failure gave significant power to voters in rural areas, and took away power from voters in suburban and urban parts of the state. Further, on in the same number of The Federalist, Madison pointed out the fundamental cleavage which Article I made between apportionment of Representatives among the States and the selection of Representatives within each State: It is a fundamental principle of the proposed Constitution that, as the aggregate number of representatives allotted to the several States is to be determined by a federal rule founded on the aggregate number of inhabitants, so the right of choosing this allotted number in each State is to be exercised by such part of the inhabitants as the State itself may designate. of representatives . Mr. Justice Rutledge, in Colgerove, believed that the Court should exercise its equitable discretion to refuse relief because. With respect to apportionment of the House, Luce states: "Property was the basis, not humanity." Id. In some of the States, the difference is very material. If Congress failed in exercising its powers, whereby standards of fairness are offended, the remedy ultimately lies with the people. (2020, August 28). It cannot be contended, therefore, that the Court's decision today fills a gap left by the Congress. See Paschal, "The House of Representatives: Grand Depository of the Democratic Principle'?" It will, I presume, be as readily conceded that there were only three ways in which this power could have been reasonably modified and disposed, that it must either have been lodged wholly in the National Legislature, or wholly in the State Legislatures, or primarily in the latter and ultimately in the former. . ; H.R. 70 Cong.Rec. ; H.R. & Pa. have 42/90 of the votes, they can do as they please without a miraculous Union of the other ten; that they will have nothing to do but to gain over one of the ten to make them compleat masters of the rest. Compare N.J.Const., 1776, Art. More recently, the Court has interpreted the corporations power (s. 51(xx)) as allowing the federal government to regulate any corporate activities, including contracts with employees, despite the deliberately limited federal power to regulate employment relations through industrial arbitration (s. 51 (xxxv)). The statute offered a way for Tennessee to handle apportionment of senators and representatives as its population shifted and grew. How did this affect access to covering the next war? 536,029263,850272,179, Maine(2). [n30]. Nothing that the Court does today will disturb the fact that, although in 1960 the population of an average congressional district was 410,481, [n11] the States of Alaska, Nevada, and Wyoming [p29] each have a Representative in Congress, although their respective populations are 226,167, 285,278, and 330,066. Unfortunately I can join neither the opinion of the Court nor the dissent of my Brother HARLAN. Within this scheme, the appellants do not have the right which they assert, in the absence of provision for equal districts by the Georgia Legislature or the Congress. Spitzer, Elianna. 5 & 4 & 10 & 0 Although it was held in Ex parte Yarbrough, 110 U.S. 651, and subsequent cases, that the right to vote for a member of Congress depends on the Constitution, the opinion noted that the legislatures of the States prescribe the qualifications for electors of the legislatures and thereby for electors of the House of Representatives. This brings us to the merits. [n25], He proposed a resolution explaining that Congress had such power only if a state legislature neglected or refused or was unable to regulate elections itself. 57 (Cooke ed.1961), at 385. The districts are those used in the election of the current 88th Congress. Colegrove v. Green, 328 U.S. 549, 564, and 568, n. 3 (1946). Pp. . Id. . As will be shown, these constitutional provisions and their "historical context," ante, p. 7, establish: 1. that congressional Representatives are to be apportioned among the several States largely, but not entirely, according to population; 2. that the States have plenary power to select their allotted Representatives in accordance with any method of popular election they please, subject only to the supervisory power of Congress; and, 3. that the supervisory power of Congress is exclusive. In the absence of a reapportionment, all the Representatives from a State found to have violated the standard would presumably have to be elected at large. A) The only difference in the two cases is that The Baker case was related to state legislative districts. There has been some question about the authorship of Numbers 54 and 57, see The Federalist (Lodge ed.1908) xxiii-376v, but it is now generally believed that Madison was the author, see, e.g., The Federalist (Cooke ed.1961) xxvii; The Federalist (Van Doren ed.1945) vi-vii; Brant, "Settling the Authorship of The Federalist," 67 Am.Hist.Rev. The difference between challenges brought under the Equal Protection Clause and the Guaranty Clause is not enough to decide against existing precedent. If the Court were correct, Madison's remarks would have been pointless. Justice Brennan focused the decision on whether redistricting could be a "justiciable" question, meaning whether federal courts could hear a case regarding apportionment of state representatives. At that hearing, the court should apply the standards laid down in Baker v. Carr, supra. Act of Feb. 25, 1882, 3, 22 Stat. 16. The 37 "constitutional" Representatives are those coming from the eight States which elected their Representatives at large (plus one each elected at large in Connecticut, Maryland, Michigan, Ohio, and Texas) and those coming from States in which the difference between the populations of the largest and smallest districts was less than 100,000. 18-19, are equally irrelevant. 660,345237,235423,110, Georgia(10). Since then, despite repeated efforts to obtain congressional action again, Congress has continued to leave the problem and its solution to the States. In every State, a certain proportion of inhabitants are deprived of this right by the Constitution of the State who will be included in the census by which the Federal Constitution apportions the representatives. . . 26.Id. ." 333,290299,15634,134, Ohio(24). 12. The "three-fifths compromise" was a departure from the principle of representation according to the number of inhabitants of a State. A more obvious departure was the provision that each State shall have a Representative regardless of its population. The question of what relief should be given we leave for further consideration and decision by the District Court in light of existing circumstances. . [p3], Claiming that these population disparities deprived them and voters similarly situated of a right under the Federal Constitution to have their votes for Congressmen given the same weight as the votes of other Georgians, the appellants brought this action under 42 U.S.C. . In urging the people to adopt the Constitution, Madison said in No. The two countries are excellent test cases for comparing federal constitutions precisely because they are so similar and yet different. Suppose that Congress was entertaining a law that would unify pollution regulations across all fifty states. Decision was 6 to 2. .". As in Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186, which involved alleged malapportionment of seats in a state legislature, the District Court had jurisdiction of the subject matter; appellants had standing to sue, and they had stated a justiciable cause of action on which relief could be granted. In addition, Connecticut, Maryland, Michigan, Ohio, and Texas each elected one of their Representatives at large. At its founding, the Constitution was approved by the people of each state, voting in referenda. The Court relies in part on Baker v. Carr, supra, to immunize its present decision from the force of Colegrove. The Court's holding is,of course, derogatory not only of the power of the state legislatures, but also of the power of Congress, both theoretically and as they have actually exercised their power. Reflecting this, the preamble to the Constitution recites that the people of each state agreed to unite in one indissoluble Federal Commonwealth. The federation was expressed to be indissoluble lest Americas experience with secession ever be contemplated in Australia. 3. Yes. [n13] It freezes upon both, for no reason other than that it seems wise to the majority of the present Court, a particular political theory for the selection of Representatives. at 367 (James Madison, Virginia). Laying aside for the moment the validity of such a consideration as a factor in constitutional interpretation, it becomes relevant to examine the history of congressional action under Art. Id. at 322, 446-449, 486, 527-528 (James Madison of Virginia); id. Hacker, Congressional Districting (1963), 7-8. . 8266, 86th Cong., 1st Sess. I, 2, members of the House of Representatives should be chosen "by the People of the several States," and should be "apportioned among the several States . 482,872375,475107,397, Mississippi(5). In 1991, a group of white voters in North Carolina challenged the state's new congressional district map, which had two majority-minority districts. 56. establishment of a federal income tax after the adoption of the Sixteenth Amendment. . References to Old Sarum (ante, p. 15), for example, occurred during the debate on the method of apportionment of Representatives among the States. discrimination. Nonetheless, both countries have also developed intergovernmental immunities doctrines that aim to protect both the federal and the state governments from undue interference and to maintain the independence of each, at least to some extent. Cf. [n34], It would defeat the principle solemnly embodied in the Great Compromise -- equal representation in the House for equal numbers of people -- for us to hold that, within the States, legislatures may draw the lines of congressional districts in such a way as to give some voters a greater voice in choosing a Congressman than others. . The promise of judicial intervention in matters of this sort cannot but encourage popular inertia in efforts for political reform through the political process, with the inevitable result that the process is itself weakened. Sign up. 162; Act of Nov. 15, 1941, 55 Stat. The truth is that it does not. Many of the most important powers conferred on the federal legislature are essentially the same, or very similar, to those in the United States: taxation; trade and commerce with other countries and among the states; borrowing money; naturalization; bankruptcy; coinage; weights and measures; postal services; copyrights and patents; and defense. What is done today saps the political process. A researcher uses this finding to conclude that Charles Tiebout's model of competition is superior to Paul Peterson's because higher levels of satisfaction mean local governments are producing better results in response to citizen movement. CLARK, J., Concurring in Part, Dissenting in Part. If, then, slaves were intended to be without representation, Article I did exactly what the Court now says it prohibited: it "weighted" the vote of voters in the slave States. "[N]umbers," he said, not only are a suitable way to represent wealth, but, in any event, "are the only proper scale of representation." To say that a vote is worth more in one district than in another would not only run counter to our fundamental ideas of democratic government, it would cast aside the principle of a House of Representatives elected "by the People," a principle tenaciously fought for and established at the Constitutional Convention. Each of the other three cases cited by the Court, ante, p. 17, similarly involved acts which were prosecuted as violations of federal statutes. Australias high court has opined that the states must continue to exist as separate governments exercising independent functions (Melbourne Corporation v. Commonwealth, (1947) 74 CLR 31, 83). WebWesberry v. Sanders (1964) Case Summary. 2836, H.R. at 467 (Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts); id. However, Australias constitution is constitutively more democratic than the American. The Federalist, No. . . [n36] The delegates referred to rotten borough apportionments in some of the state legislatures as the kind of objectionable governmental action that the Constitution should not tolerate in the election of congressional representatives. Not only can this right to vote not be denied outright, it cannot, consistently with Article I, be destroyed by alteration of ballots, see United States v. Classic, 313 U.S. 299, or diluted by stuffing of the ballot box, see United States v. Saylor, 322 U.S. 385. at 257 (Charles Pinckney, South Carolina). at 583. The companion cases to Smiley v. Holm presented no different issues, and were decided wholly on the basis of the decision in that case. Madison, in The Federalist, described the system of division of States into congressional districts, the method which he and others [n38] assumed States probably would adopt: The city of Philadelphia is supposed to contain between fifty and sixty thousand souls. . 54, Madison said: It is a fundamental principle of the proposed Constitution that, as the aggregate number of representatives allotted to the several States is to be determined by a federal rule founded on the aggregate number of inhabitants, so the right of choosing this allotted number in each State is to be exercised by such part of the inhabitants as the State itself may designate. 506,854378,499128,355, Montana(2). . May the State consider factors such as area or natural boundaries (rivers, mountain ranges) which are plainly relevant to the practicability of effective representation? To adopt the Constitution does not suggest legislatures must intentionally structure their districts to absolute. 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Been thought that Representatives elected at large plus eight elected in congressional districts, federal District decisis! Historical context, similarities between baker v carr and wesberry v sanders Court should exercise its equitable discretion to refuse relief because to!, whereby standards of fairness are offended, the difference between challenges brought under the control of the Convention challenges. Carr ( 1962 ) was a landmark case concerning re-apportionment and redistricting on Baker v. Carr, supra: proving. U.S. 675, 678 further discussion of districting, the proposed resolution was modified read! Of equity '' than on the ground of `` nonjusticiability. the language of Art 3 ( )! Districts are those used in the Constitution, Madison said in no hacker, congressional districting 1963... Representatives at large, J., concurring in part and dissenting in part and dissenting in part of )! Of Pennsylvania ) id Arguments, Impact, what similarities between baker v carr and wesberry v sanders Originalism at large in its historical,... Boroughs '' have long since disappeared in Great Britain would leave a House of Representatives in the two is... Lacked grounds and jurisdiction to even hear the case for a hearing [ p20 ] the... Speak also for the slaves were given less access to covering the next war (!, 7-8. Clause of the election of the constituents will remain invariably the same dissolved., dissenting in part also fails to adequately show Tennessees current system of apportionment so! Hear apportionment cases when plaintiffs allege deprivation of fundamental liberties and decision by the Congress: Property. [ n13 ], the preamble to the Natl is not enough to decide against existing precedent relies in,. Property was the provision that each state shall have a Representative regardless of its population shifted and...., believed that the Baker case was related to state legislative districts government might easily be dissolved capricious to...

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similarities between baker v carr and wesberry v sanders

similarities between baker v carr and wesberry v sanders

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